Decades of Unrest: Tale of Northeast Insurgency

Posted on August 11, 2015 0 Comments134
(July Edition)
On June 4, Indian army suffered one of the biggest casualties in an ambush led by the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Khaplang) at Moltung in Chandel district of Manipur. After the massacre, insurgency of Northeast once again grabbed the limelight. Northeast Today brings to you the past and present state of some major outfits as well as analysis on various aspects of NE insurgency.

Separatist movements have affected at least four Northeastern states – Assam, Manipur, Mizoram and Nagaland in the past. And the fact that there are still over 50 active insurgent groups across the Northeast is a grim reminder of the ground reality. The problem escalated when some Myanmarbased NE militant outfits formed a joint forum called United National Liberation Front of Western South East Asia (UNLFWSEA), which will soon form a Northeast “governmentin- exile”.

In 1966, B George Verghese, the veteran journalist and intellectual, counted six active insurgencies in the Northeast: Naga in Nagaland, Manipur and adjacent areas;

Meitei in the Imphal Valley of Manipur; Assamese and Bodo in Assam; Hynniewtrep Achik Liberation Council in Khasi Hills of Meghalaya; and the indigenous people’s revolt of Tripura. Sundry other insurgent groups or splinter organisations, he said, are at large while others have surrendered or became dormant.

NET: You have met both Khaplang and Paresh Baruah in person. What according to you are their strengths?

Rajeev Bhattacharyya : Their strength is the terrain and also the unity that they have achieved among themselves. The unity has always been there, but now, four groups have come together under a joint forum called UNLFW and some Manipuri groups have also offered their moral support. The six Manipuri groups, who have camps in the region, formed an alliance called Coordination Committee (CorCom). Although they have not signed the declaration so far that was issued sometime back, they have offered moral support to UNLFW. As per the latest information available, at least three among the Manipuri groups agreed to take part in joint operations, which was apparent in the recent attack in which Manipuri groups KYKL and a KCP faction were involved. Their strength is also on account of the fact that there are arteries connecting the Hukawng valley or the region directly to China which ensures an unhindered and uninterrupted flow of sophisticated weapons and ammunitions. Another advantage is that Khaplang has a cosy relationship with the Myanmarese Army. The NSCN-K had signed a ceasefire agreement with the Myanmarese Army on April 9, 2012.

Both sides have agreed to accept each other without any pre-conditions. Myanmarese Army in all likelihood will not disturb Khaplang or accept New Delhi’s request to eliminate them.

NET: With reports of ‘government-in-exile’ looming large in Myanmar, what’s your assessment of the current situation?

Rajeev Bhattacharyya : The entire situation is in Khaplang’s favour. As a result of the twin crossborder strikes Indian government seems to have played into the hands of Khaplang. Now Khaplang has emerged even stronger. Myanmar government is very upset over India’s cross-border strikes. Now there is no chance of Myanmar government listening to India’s demand that militant camps be removed from former’s territory. Khaplang will emerge stronger from this episode.

NET: Insurgency and Northeast have become synonymous over the years. Why is it so?

Rajeev Bhattacharyya : No region in the world has given birth to so many insurgent outfits as the Northeast. Not even Africa, Latin America and nor Myanmar. The factors that give rise to insurgent groups or insurgency is very much existent in the Northeast. The government has failed to tackle them. For the government, the Northeast is not that important, still a colony for the Indian government. Resources have to be extracted; armed struggles have to be suppressed with an iron hand. The Indian government has not yet understood the reasons what have given rise to insurgency nor is there any sincere effort to tackle the situation head on. Secondly, the  Army with extraordinary power will not put an end to the problem.

NET: So, where is the solution?

Rajeev Bhattacharyya : As you know, currently there more than 50 insurgent groups in the Northeast. All the insurgent groups can be divided into five categories. Many people don’t know that only about nine groups are demanding independence from India. Majority of the groups are demanding autonomy. The third category of the groups
could be those without any ideology like that of GNLA of Garo Hills, who will do anything for money. The fourth group is sympathisers of the CPI (Maoist). There are
reports that Maoists have been coming from Central India and started working in some pockets of the Northeast. But there is no concrete evidence of the reports. But one cannot lose sight of the fact that Maoists adopt a very long term plan. They work on a long-term perspective. It’s difficult to say at the moment if Maoist movement will actually grow or will fizzle out. The fifth group has grown with the influence of Jehadi groups and the Islamist groups of the states. This has been evident in the recent bomb blast in West Bengal and some sympathisers have been apprehended in Assam and in West Bengal. And I have reasons to believe that this network is spreading so this could be the most dangerous trend in insurgency in the Northeast, especially in Assam, in the years to come. The government better be on the lookout and persuasive on the whole scenario.

(Rajeev Bhattacharyya is a senior journalist in Guwahati and author of Rendezvous with Rebels: Journey to Meet India’s Most Wanted Men. In 2011-12, he had spent four months at a rebel base in Myanmar where he interviewed ULFA chief of staff Paresh Baruah and NSCN-K chairman S S Khaplang besides interacting with top functionaries from other outfits that are now part of the new alliance called United National Liberation Front of Western South East Asia)

Assessing Assam:

Started in 1979, insurgency in Assam was at its height in the late 1980s. While the aim of the extremists has been independent Assam, the insurgency has roots in the history of Assamese sub-nationalism. The initial phase of militancy followed the changing fortunes of the Assam’s agitation movement. In the writings of the Assamese author Parag Kumar Das, one finds the traditional economic grievances coming together with the theme of Assamese nationalism. Similarly, significant political movement for a separate Bodoland in Assam began in the year 1987. The campaign was launched by the All Bodo Students’ Union (ABSU) under the leadership of Upen Bramha, who
coined the term “Divide Assam Fifty Fifty”.

“The perception of insurgency in Assam has been different in various generations. At this moment with a visible reduction in number of incidents and also factionalism, insurgency is more of an ideological threat than a physical one, it being nearly cleaned out by the army, government or globalization,” says Nayanjyoti Medhi, a Guwahati-based engineer, adding, “This though is recent past, but the ghost that looms still prevents free flowing investments and scope for entrepreneurship, not because of fear but rather apprehensions. The world view of insurgency in Assam has to be changed for it to be rectified. Meanwhile, the present generation awaits for a revolution of peace.”

United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA)

ULFA was founded on April 7, 1979 at Rang Ghar, a symbolically significant venue of the Ahom kings, in Sivasagar district of Assam by some youths including Bhimakanta Buragohain, Arabinda Rajkhowa, Anup Chetia, Pradip Gogoi, Bhadreshwar Gohain and Paresh Baruah. The goal of the organisation is to restore Assam’s “lost independence”.

Soon after it finished recruitment in 1984, it began to seek out training and arms procurement from other groups such as the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN). For one-and-a half decade, they almost run a parallel government in the state. However, on February 5, 2011, ULFA vice-chairman Pradip Gogoi along with foreign secretary Sashadhar Choudhury and central publicity secretary Mithinga Daimary announced that the outfit’s general council had endorsed the resolution of the central executive council to sit for talks with the Central government without any precondition. But the commander-in chief Paresh Baruah-led group described “unconstitutional” the general council decision, thus negating the resolution. The formal split however took place in August 2012 when Paresh Baruah expelled Arabinda Rajkhowa and appointed Abhijit Barman as the outfit’s chairman. The anti-talk faction of ULFA named them as ULFA (I) since April 5, 2013. They have around 300 active cadres, including those with the Myanmar camp. Of late, ULFA is facing financial crisis and it mainly dependent on NCSN (K) in Myanmar. Jibon Morang, who’s based in Taga region, has been shouldering the responsibility of financial revival. Currently, ULFA’s eastern command is headed by Michel Deka Phukan and Dristi Rajkhowa is in the charge of its westerner command. And recently, Rajkhowa has built up a strong link with the Garo outfit GNLA.

National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB)

On November 25, 1994, the Rajan Daimari-led Bodo Security Force (BSF) rechristened itself as the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB). The main objective of the outfit is to liberate Bodoland from the “Indian expansionism and occupation”. During the 1990s, NDFB established 12 camps on the Bhutan-Assam border. After suffering major reverses during Royal Bhutan Army’s Operation All Clear, NDFB signed a ceasefire with the Indian authorities in May 2005.

This was followed by a split into NDFB (P) – the faction supported peace negotiations with the government – and NDFB (R), which opposed surrender. In 2012, NDFB(R) split further, leading to the formation of NDFB(S) led by a non- Bodo, IK Songbijit. Prior to the military operations in Bhutan in December 2003, the strength of the NDFB was estimated to be around 3,500. Over the years the strength of the organization has substantially been reduced. Now it has around 500 cadres. Currently, with B Sargo Guera as president, Ferenga as secretary, Bidai and Batha as vice-presidents, the NDFB (S) has been recruiting new cadres to revive the outfit.

Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO)

Kuki Liberation Organisation was created by ULFA and it came into existence on December 28, 1995. The objective of the KLO is to carve out a separate Kamtapur state

comprising six districts –– Cooch Behar, Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, North and South Dinajpur and Malda –– of West Bengal and four contiguous districts of Assam ––

Kokrajhar, Bongaigaon, Dhubri and
Goalpara.

Many secret operations along the Indo-Bhutan border have reduced the strength of the organisation. But still, KLO has over 100 active cadres. Although Jibon Singha of

West Bengal is its chairman, currently the military wing has been taken care of by Kailash Koch. Recently, KLO, ULFA and the NDFB have formed an umbrella organisation

to coordinate their activities.

Nagaland and Manipur

In contemporary times, Nagaland and Manipur have been regarded as the breeding grounds for militants. Manipur alone has over 30 insurgent groups, a rare case for a

small state. Manipur became a part of Indian on October 15, 1949. Its incorporation into the Indian state soon led to the formation of a number of insurgent

organisations. Similarly, the demand for greater ‘Nagalim’ gave rise to a number of militant outfits in Nagaland. “Joining some militant organizations has become a

fashion in our state and a wa of earning easy money,” says a student from Dimapur on condition of anonymity.

National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN)
The National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) was formed on January 31, 1980 by Isak Chisi Swu, Thuingaleng Muivah and SS Khaplang opposing the ‘Shillong Accord’

signed by the then NNC (Naga National Council) with the Indian government.
Later, differences surfaced within the outfit over the issue of commencing a dialogue process with the Indian Government and on April 30, 1988, the NSCN split into two

factions, namely the NSCN-K led by SS Khaplang, and the NSCN-IM, led by Isak Chisi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah.

NSCN (IM)
Both general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah and chairman Isak Chisi Swu of NSCN-IM are now based in Thailand. The outfit has also established a government-in-exile

called the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland (GPRN) which interacts with formal and non-formal world bodies. It has an estimated 3,500 strong cadre base.

It is supported by a section of Aos, Semas, Zeilangs, Anals, Maos and Manipur-based Tangkhul Nagas. The group is in ceasefire with Indian Government since 1997.

NSCN (K)
Khaplang, popularly known as Baba, is perhaps the most respected militant leader of the Northeast. NSCN-K has cadre strength of approximately 3,500 with a following

among the Konyaks of both India and Myanmar, the Pangmeis of Myanmar, the Aos of Mokokchung district, the Phoms and Yimchungers of Tuensang district, the Angamis, the

Semas and the Lothas. The NSCN-K too runs a government-in-exile called the Government of the People’s Republic of Nagaland, NSCN-K.

United National Liberation Front (UNLF): This group is the oldest militant group of Manipur and Rajkumar Meghen alias Sana Yaima is its current chairman. He was

arrested in Bangladesh in 2010. Undeterred, the Manipur People’s Army, the armed wing of the UNLF, recently celebrated its 28th anniversary with pride. And Kh Pambei

has emerged as a new popular leader. The outfit operates in the Jiribam valley and Cachar district of Assam.

People’s Liberation Army (PLA):

It was established under the leadership of N Bisheswar Singh on September 25, 1978. The PLA aims to organise a revolutionary front covering the entire Northeast and

unite all ethnic groups to liberate Manipur. Revolutionary People’s Front (RPF) is its armed wing and Irengbam Chaoren is the president of the RPF. The group has a

sound base in Manipur’s Senapati district and almost 200 cadres undergoing guerilla training under Robin Lowang.

Kuki National Front (KNF):

Formed in 1988, KNF has a goal of sovereignty or independence from India. The group was formed in order to stand against NSCN–IM hegemony in the Kuki-inhabited hill

districts of Manipur. The group split into two factions in 1995 -presidential faction and military council, the former again splitting into two groups further.

Meghalaya:

Insurgency in Meghalaya is currently confined to Garo Hills region, although the hotbed was Khasi Hills till two decades ago. Militancy in Khasi Hills mostly triggered

by the Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) was almost wiped out by iron hands.

The outfit’s existence is now just limited to calling occasional bandhs and issuing press statements whenever there is an issue confronting the Khasi community. On the

other hand, Garo Hills, which comprises half of the state’s population, has become one of the most volatile regions of the Northeast. There are around a dozen

‘militant’ outfits that are born at the drop of a hat. There have been numerous cases of kidnappings, murder, and missing cases besides ambushes on security team

claiming many lives in the past few years. The truce agreements and mass surrenders by some of the outfits have not been able to bring the desired results so far.

There are also serious allegations of politico-militant nexus not sparing even the chief minister Mukul Sangma. One of his cabinet colleagues, Deborah Ch Marak, was

even charge-sheeted by police for using militants during her election campaign in 2013. As the smoke appears to be not without a fire, cleansing of bad elements in

politics will only bring about a solution to the insurgency in Garo Hills.

Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA):

Formed in 2009, the GNLA has been involved in killing, abduction, extortion, bomb blasts and attacks on security forces. It is fighting for a sovereign Garoland in the

western areas of Meghalaya. The outfit was formed by a former deputy superintendent of police (DSP), Meghalaya, Pakchara R Sangma alias Champion R Sangma, after

deserting the police force. He is the chairman of the outfit and Sohan D Shira, former Achik National Volunteers Council (ANVC) area commander for East Garo Hills, is

the commander-in-chief of the outfit. The cadre base of the outfit is mainly formed by deserters from ANVC, Liberation of Achik Elite Force (LAEF) and National

Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB).

Interview: Kiren Rijiju, Minister of State for Home Affairs

NET: What is the root cause of Northeast region suffering from insurgency continuously?

Kiren Rijiju: It’s a long history. Some of the insurgencies go beyond our initial days of Independence movement and there are historical reasons. The hill belt

comprising northern Myanmar regions – Kachin, Sagaing and Chin province – and the contiguous Indian states – Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram – has been problematic for a

long time. They were not initially satisfied with the
boundary demarcations and all these things. So when we came to power, we have this legacy before us. There are various reasons – ethnic issues, sub-nationalist

movements, struggles for identity, struggles for autonomy, and struggles for separate identity – breeding insurgencies. But the reality is these movements are not

going to succeed because they can’t get independence. The fact is that we are part of this country and we are citizens of this country and whatever we want, we have to

fight within the framework of the Constitution of India. If we go beyond that, then it spoils the whole atmosphere and it brings miseries to the common people. Suppose

if I take up arms, I may dent the interest of the government of India but the greatest trouble I bring
is to the people of the area, my own people. Because of my acts, my people have to suffer. We have to realise that we should not strive for something which is not

achievable. If you want to get some political rights, then fight politically. Today, I’m fighting for Northeast. I’m fighting for the rights of my people but I am

doing it in a democratic way. Taking up arms is no solution to any problem. So, this is something we must avoid.

NET: If the solution lies in the development of the region?

Kiren Rijiju: The solution is peace. If there is peace, there will be development. If there is violence, then there will be no development.

NET: How has your government planned to bring in peace in the insurgency-ravaged region?

Kiren Rijiju: To achieve that we are committed to securing peace and we are already doing the developmental projects.

NET: Will your government at the Centre sideline Manipur government after the recent ambush in the state?

Kiren Rijiju: No, nobody will be sidelined. I have made my view very clear that when we take up some security measures in the
Northeastern region or anywhere else, the state government will be taken into confidence and all the security measures are always taken jointly by the Central security

forces and the state police. Without the involvement of state government, you can have limited success but you cannot have complete success. And law and order is a

state subject, so the state has to own the responsibility of securing peace. So there’s no question of bypassing the state government except if there are some specific

operations.

NET: Do you have any specific policy to curb insurgency in the Northeast?

Kiren Rijiju: We are going to be very strict and those who are not coming to the line, security forces will be very tough with them but at the same time, from my side,

I’d like to appeal to all the people who have taken up the arms route to come back, join the mainstream, and then we all will fight together for development. Let us

fight for development. We must join hands together.
So the doors are open for those who want to shun violence and those who continue to fight against the state, they will face problems because the government is very

determined to secure peace, and while securing peace. Strong action is always necessary. It’s necessary to do away with all the bad elements. That is why I want to

avoid this kind of unwanted, undesirable military operations and where local citizens face problems. So best is that there should not be any violence and all the civil

societies of the Northeast must appeal to the underground groups to not take up arms and create problem for the local people.

Rajarshi Kalita Asst Prof, Department of English
Shyamlal College, Delhi University:

Rather than asking why insurgency has not tapered out, we need to ask if the reasons that created insurgency have been addressed at the first place. Has the much

reviled administrative system, notorious for its babudom, corruption and tardiness been tidied up? Have there been efforts to set up industrialization and development

of farmers? What does the youth in Northeast, the ones who have not moved out of their states, have to fall back upon, other than in the cities and the bigger towns?

Insurgency is not just a mode of protest for many deserving, frustrated young men and women. It has also turned into a sort of survival tactic, albeit fraught with

jeopardy. Easy money, at the show of a weapon, lures the youth already bombarded with cultural images of successful people. The culture of hard work, entrepreneurship,

inculcating the value of hard-earned money and setting up an environment for these qualities ought to do wonders. The administration also ought to be sensitive to the

people’s needs and try to erase draconian laws and acts which have done nothing to solve the intrinsically political problems of the region.

In Retrospect:

The issue of insurgency refuses to die down in the Northeast and it keeps on surfacing in different formats. Whatever had happened on June 4 in Manipur is highly

condemnable as nothing can justify killings. But, there are very strange things happening along the Myanmar border in the name of avenge killings and even the Manipur

government is clueless about the ‘combing operations.’ There is no clarity on the twin strikes as claimed by the Central government and it has boomeranged India.

Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting Rajyawardhan Singh Rathore comments that the ‘cross border’ operation was a warning to others harbouring ‘terrorist

intentions’ towards India and reminding Pakistan that ‘56 inch rocks’ also have turned into poor diplomatic approach in international relations.

All this chest-thumping and back-slapping resulted in Myanmar retorting angrily that Indian troops did not enter Myanmar territory and that Myanmar would not harbour

any terror camps on its soil. Ajit Doval, the national security adviser, who immediately visited Myanmar for damage control, was not wellreceived. To curb insurgency

in the Northeast region, all that it needs is a sincere effort. Creation of employment avenues and effective policies for the youths of the region can be a readymade

answer. Instead of applying an iron hand, the problem should be addressed in a holistic manner.

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